This letter was sent out 10/5/05 to the North
Caucus and all it’s
Associates, subscribers and friends:
Dear all:
Here is an incredibly powerful essay from John
Wolfgram. When the NCA restarted in the 1990's, one of our first demands was
for juries to start using the nullification process more frequently when they
knew the Constituition or BoR was being violated by some ex-post facto or
totally unconsitutional law. I'm certain this would be considered "civil
disobedience" in that the juries would often be countermanding the bench's
instructions, but it certainly should
go on our list of Civil Disobedience (http://northcaucus.com/or-else.html). Think how many
self defense trials could be affected if Juries were to adhere to the
unalienable right to self defense!! It certainly would wreak havoc on the
20,000 or so gun control laws the NRA finds acceptable.
Do read Wolf's essay. It is short and very
clear! When you have some time, also read how the whole dismantling of our
Republic began over 200 years ago (Wolf's essay listed in the body below), and
you will see why Jefferson was so adamant about the need for blood on the
Liberty Tree every 20 years. By the time he became President, the courts had
dismantled the foundation of the Constitution.
You can also see from Wolf's essay/speech why
it is imperative for the government schools to keep our children from
understanding the Constitution or BoR, and why it is imperative that we
homeschool our children!! http://northcaucus.com/school.html
Many thanks to Wolfgram for allowing us to
share this essay.
C. Joyce II
=========================================================================
THE ROLE OF THE JURY IN THE GOVERNING PROCESS
By John
E. Wolfgram
Attorney
at Law, Blacklisted Lawyer, Legal Philosopher, and a Vietnam Veteran Recon
Marine
Good
Evening Folks: I'm John Wolfgram.
There
are two major influences in my life that bring me here this evening. I'm a
Vietnam Veteran Recon Marine, and I am a Legal Philosopher.
There is
a strong relationship between the two lifestyles.
In 1964
when President Johnson gave his Gulf of Tonkin Address, I believed him enough
to extend my tour to go to Vietnam. Once there, I became very skeptical of
government's version of "truth", and that started a life long
questioning process.
I did
sixty-six long range missions miles behind enemy lines where Vietnamese families
lived and farmed and the Viet Cong roamed freely. Day after day, night after
night, on point in all kinds of weather, through ambushes, mines and booby
traps, close escapes, evading through the night; it took its toll. My reason to
over come all natural fear time and again was my oath to support the
Constitution.
When I
came back to the world I had a lot of questions about what allowed our
government to act so shamelessly toward Vietnamese farmers and families who
really were not our enemy. My skepticism and my oath became my duty to find the
answer. It was a lifetime commitment.
I
finished high school, exhausted both Philosophy Departments at the University
of Wisconsin, then law school at Southwestern University, and law practice for
ten years in Sacramento. Then I ran for judge; and ran head on into what I was
searching for: The causes and effects of the arbitrary powers of government;
the seeds of domestic corruption and unjust foreign policy.
The
commonality between Recon and Philosophy devoted to the same Constitution
became a stubborn refusal to compromise constitutional principle and a
willingness to face the arbitrary powers over and again, regardless of personal
cost. Over the 1990s, I was arrested and prosecuted twenty-six times; and never
convicted. Each time I sued the agencies that had abused power, and I lost
without ever getting to trial.
Somehow,
People sitting as juries, judging government's conduct, had been cut out of the
loop. "Justice" was government by government for itself.
Five
times I took the issues to the United States Supreme Court; Cert. Denied. But
from this adversity I learned how government had stolen our Constitution.
In 2000
I began to write about it. Now I'm challenged to explain the lessons that I
learned over ten years of intense adversity, in six minutes.
The
First Lesson: While government officers must follow the LAWFUL orders of their
superiors, they are sworn to support the Constitution first; and that can only be
as each officer best understands it. Sometimes, government officers must refuse
orders that are inconsistent with the Constitution, as they understand it.
This
results from a simple observation and question. The observation is this: When
people, including legislators and judges, are left to their own devices, they
interpret the Constitution and laws made pursuant to it, reasonably, but
differently. The question is this: If they interpret it differently, how can
they apply it consistently with their oath?
Government's
answer is "judicial supremacy" and "stare decisis". Those
judicial rules then create judge made law; and over time, that judge made law
replaces all oaths to support the real Constitutional Rule of Law.
Keeping
in mind that the Constitution as it is written, is the Supreme Law and judicial
interpretations are not the law at all, through this process, the Oath to
support the Constitution becomes an oath to support the "majority Court
decision", which cannot be the "Supreme Law of the Land",
because "Only Congress can make law."
This
transformation of the Oath is unacceptable to anyone who takes their own oath
to support "This Constitution", seriously.
The
Second Lesson is how Government, through its judiciary, stole the Constitution
bit by bit and systematically replaced it with arbitrary powers.
Surrounding
each constitutional clause is a gray area that people interpret differently.
The reasonable differences of interpreting that area are the arenas of
POLITICAL, not LEGAL, dispute in interpretation and application.
But when
the Supreme Court decides a Constitutional issue, it changes what was political
into an issue of law and through judicial supremacy it imposes that
interpretation onto all of government. Through stare decisis, it imposes its
political beliefs on to all of the people through the judiciary.
In
effect, each time the Supreme Court decides a constitutional issue, it changes
by that much, the political life of the Nation into the legal regulation of the
Nation. When all that was political is turned into matters of law, that is
"Tyranny." When done by and through the judiciary, it is
"Judicial Tyranny."
Our
choices are: Judicial tyranny or an expanded role for citizens and politicians
in the legal/political life of the Nation.
The
Third Lesson is how those arbitrary powers once judicially created, became
anti-constitutional powers of unaccountability.
The
Constitution is the contract between the government and governed, but if only
one party to a contract gets to interpret it, is there any question as to why,
over 215 years it is so slanted for government and against the liberty and
justice of the people?
Let's
take a major example of "How the Judiciary Stole the Right to
Petition." That article is on the computer disk handed out this evening.
(http://www.constitution.org/abus/wolfgram/ptnright.htm)
The
First Amendment declares in part: "Congress shall make no law abridging .
the right of the people . to petition the government for a redress of
grievances." The issue is "abridgment."
The
Constitution doesn't authorize immunity. Yet, in direct derogation of the
Petition Clause and without even mentioning it, the Judiciary has created
sovereign and official immunities for government and its agents for the
injuries they cause incidental to or in derogation of governing processes.
How can
"Congress make no law abridging", and yet all of government have
immunity from redressing grievances, under the same Constitution?
Major
treaties also declare that government immunity is unlawful. The Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, Article 8, declares the very essence of our
Petition Clause:
"Everyone
has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for
acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by constitution or by
law".
The International
Covenant Article II, 3(a) requires each Nation to ENSURE that
persons "shall have an effective remedy, notwithstanding the violation has
been committed by persons acting in an official capacity".
What is
an "effective remedy" for rights violations if it is not the right to
sue government for just redress without immunity?
Is it
even possible that immunity of government from the governed, outlawed by
international law, is somehow an implicit power to annul constitutional rights
and justice?
If
"Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely," then
immunity from accountability for its use and abuse is the judicially created
absoluteness of power that corrupts absolutely.
The
Fourth Lesson derives from the first three: It is the Constitutional Balancing
Force between government and governed.
As we have
seen, Government, through its judiciary, has stolen the plain meaning of the
Constitution and with it, much of our political life.
In
addition, it has insulated itself from the constitutional judgment of the
people by requiring juries to obey the judge's instructions in all matters.
This imbalance causes our Nation to evolve into a "democratic
dictatorship" with an anti-constitution molded by the judiciary for
government.
To
return constitutional balance we must recognize the implicit constitutional
adversity between government and governed. While each has a role to play in the
overall governing process, they have to balance each other; learning from each
other what good government and responsible liberty under the same Constitution
is.
This
lesson is discussed at length in "Democratizing the Judiciary". (http://www.constitution.org/abus/wolfgram/ptnright.htm)
Basically,
what "Democratizing the Judiciary" means is tempering the
constitutional effect of judicial supremacy with "Jury Supremacy" in
each case. The necessary change is only that juries be sworn to support the
Constitution, not the judge.
The
evolutionary change, as juries demand a copy of the Constitution and parties
demand to argue constitutional issues to them, is that the Constitution, as it
is written, will play a larger and larger role in the popular understanding of
government to governed relationships. As juries wander from government's
dogmatic interpretation, they become a feed back system to all of government of
what popular constitutional law looks like.
In
Conclusion: This slight change in the judiciary of swearing the jury to the
Constitution and laws made pursuant to it, is the foundation that will restore
popular understandings of the Constitution among the People, and it will create
a Constitutional Conscience for the government and its officers.
John E.
Wolfgram
(for more of Wolfgram's incredible essays,
return to
http://northcaucus.com/wolf.html)